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were at once produced-I had a translation with me and I proceeded to show in detail that most of what might be described as the political terms were based on a misapprehension, and that in any event they affected Hong Kong's sovereignty and therefore could not be discussed. Two matters remained, the question of reinstatement and that of strike pay, With regard to these, I began by recapitulating Mr. Sung's argument of the previous day, whereby he showed cause why the merchants should pay, and I agreed that, from the point of view of the strikers, the argument appeared to be thoroughly sound. It led to the logical conclusion that the Cantonese merchants should join in, and also that the British merchants could not be called upon to pay. I then put forward the argument of the Hong Kong merchants, which I had presented to Mr. Sung, that the demands of the strikers were nothing more or less than blackmail, and I supported it very fully by the reasons which I had given to Mr. Sung. The merchants' argument appeared to me to be at least as sound as that of the strikers. It was agreed that the position had been fairly put, and that, although it was hardly a case of an irresistible force meeting immovable mattera simile suggested by Mr. Sung- a solution would not be at all easy.
It was then asked whether the Hong Kong delegation of officials and merchants would come to Canton. I said that this was now unnecessary. The proposal was made when it was not known that the Canton Government were confining themselves to the rôle of mediators; but it being now apparent that there was no political issue, the Hong Kong Government could have nothing to do with any question of payment. The matter was one for the merchants to discuss, if they wished. The Hong Kong Government would withdraw the names of the four merchants which had been put forward in order that it might not be said afterwards that the merchants' hand had been forced by Government nominees. The merchants would choose their own representatives if they so wished. It was agreed that this course was a reasonable one.
An adjournment was then made for lunch at a restaurant, and it was decided that the council would consider what I had said and that we would meet again in the evening. In the afternoon Mr. Foo Ping-sheung, Luk King-fo, and a roads engineer took me for a long motor ride all round the city.
At 7 P.M. I dined with the council, the same persons being present, and also Mr. Wong Cheung-kuk, and after dinner we resumed the discussion. The tone of the council was more critical, though entirely friendly. They pointed out that it was essential that something should be done for the strikers, and the question of reinstatement was discussed at some length, the council maintaining that it would not be unreasonable for employers to dismiss in favour of the strikers men who had taken their places. I said that this was quite impossible. The employers could not in any event be coerced, but the Hong Kong Government would never countenance such a proposal. I instanced the tramway company, who had trained new motor-men and ticket collectors. It was impossible to contemplate the dismissal of these men. If the company took this step, the strikers might go out again within a week or two on the same petty grievance, and then no substitutes would be forthcoming, as they would be liable to be turned out again as soon as the strikers saw fit to return. I said that I fully understood the difficulties of the Canton Government, very recently established and depending upon the support of the masses who had brought them to power. but still I felt sure I could rely upon them to prevent the strikers from making unreasonable claims for reinstatement. Mr. Wong Ching-wai put forward some unconvincing arguments regarding the patriotic nature of the movement, and it was finally agreed that we could get no further until the council had obtained something definite from the strikers. The council was, however, satisfied that the political terms could in the end be brushed aside. It was possible that some of the strikers might wish to press for some of them, and then it would be necessary for the Hong Kong delegation of officials and merchants to come down. I replied that this was out of the question as far as the officials were concerned, as the Hong Kong Government was not prepared to discuss these terms with the strikers. I had plenary powers from the Governor in this matter, and while I was willing to explain away any misunderstanding which the strikers might be under, through the agency of the council and not to the strikers direct, I was not prepared to concede any point as a condition of a settlement. I could merely promise that, when the boycott was finally over, the Hong Kong Government would sympathetically consider any legitimate grievances that might be put before the Secretary for Chinese Affairs.
At this juncture I decided to test, as far as I might, the question whether the
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Canton Government would bring about a settlement in return for some direct benefit to itself. I pointed out that, if the strikers got a payment but no work, they would be a nuisance both to Canton and to Hong Kong. had no authority whatever from the Governor to make such a proposal, but suppose the Hong Kong Government made a loan to the Canton Government for the purpose of completing the Canton- Hankow Railway, a project desired by both, the labourers could then be employed. Mr. Wu at once made the point that this would meet the reinstatement difficulty, but it would be some time before they could begin, and so the question of strike pay remained. The suggestion, however, seemed to make a considerable impression on the council. It was agreed to adjourn till luncheon on the following day, and that in the morning the council should put what I had said before the Strike Committee. On the morning of the 22nd December Mr. Luk King-to took me for a long walk through the city, and at 1 P.M. we lunched at the office of the municipality with Mr. C. C. Wu, the party comprising the same persons. After lunch Mr. Wong Ching-wai said that they had had a discussion with the Strike Committee which had lasted all morning, and they had practically got no further than the first of the terms. The strikers had a number of grievances under this head. They said that the Secretary for Chinese Affairs had absolutely vetoed the discussion of politics at any meeting; that he had sent spies to report what was said at any assembly; that the Hong Kong-Wuchow Traders' Guild had been closed for no reason at all; that no school in Hong Kong was allowed to use any text-book which was not prescribed by the Government, and so on. It was obvious, in Mr. Wong Ching-wai's opinion, that it would take weeks for the council to come and go between the strikers and myself regarding the political terms, and he therefore thought that the Hong Kong delegation should now come down and discuss terms with the strikers direct, the council mediating. I said that the Hong Kong Wuchow Union was closed a long time ago, on the very good ground that the members were a most disorderly and seditions body. I gave this explanation because I had previously informed the council that no unions had been closed in connection with the strike. All this I added that I knew nothing of the allegation as to the school text-books. was, however, entirely beside the point. I had informed the council that I bad full powers regarding these political questions, and I was prepared to give a final answer at once. The Hong Kong Government would in no circumstances yield any of these terms as a condition of the strikers ending the boycott. If the council thought that there was anything in the alleged grievances, the Hong Kong Govern- ment would be glad to listen to any suggestions which they might put forward, either officially or semi-officially, and it would give them careful consideration; but the place for the strikers to present their grievances was in Hong Kong, before the Secretary for Chinese Affairs in the recognised manner. Hong Kong had not the least desire to have the strikers back, and if they did not like the laws under which they lived in the colony, the obvious course was for them to stop away. I felt entirely assured that the Canton authorities were genuinely anxious to put an end to the intolerable situation, and so I would speak quite frankly. They were a new Government, quite recently come into power, and they owed their position to the support of the labourers. They could not at the moment coerce the strikers— Mr. Sung here interposed that if they shot down any strikers they would not last a day--but they would soon have to face the necessity for doing so. It was impossible for any Government to tolerate an imperium in imperio, with its separate police and separate court, an imperium. moreover, which flouted all the observances of civilised usage. The British Government had shown great patience and it would no doubt wait a little longer, but there must be a limit. General Cheung Kai-shek was shortly due back from the front, and his troops would then enable the Govern- ment to get the complete mastery of the situation. Mr. Wu hereupon replied that General Cheung was bringing with him nothing more than a personal bodyguard, and no part of the army was returning. I suggested that the Canton Government in this province of 40 million inhabitants, with vast resources hitherto untapped, and they would no doubt look to recognition by the Powers-Mr. Wu here said that they did not want recognition-or, at any rate, they would wish to give and take on terms of equality in accordance with the practice of the civilised world. They must see that they could hardly expect a cordial reception from other nations as long as they deliberately allowed a body of men the free use of their territory Such & for the avowed purpose of destroying the trade of a friendly Power. proceeding was tantamount to an act of war, and it would be so construed if such They could not expect the a situation arose between two European Powers.
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